Operasjon Northwoods

Operasjon Northwoods

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Den 13. mars 1962 overrakte general Lyman Lemnitzer Robert McNamara et topphemmelig notat, og oppfordret president Kennedy til å beordre en rekke sjokkerende hendelser for å lage en begrunnelse for invasjon av Cuba. Koden heter Operation Northwoods, notatet foreslo at administrasjonen skulle arrangere en terrorkampanje i Miami og Washington som ville skape internasjonal motvilje mot regjeringen i Fidel Castro.

President John F. Kennedy stevnet Lyman Lemnitzer til det ovale kontoret 16. mars 1962, hvor de diskuterte Operation Northwoods. Kennedy avviste ideen, og tre måneder senere fortalte han Lemnitzer at han ble flyttet fra Pentagon for å bli kommandør for amerikanske styrker i Europa.

Militærlederne redegjorde ikke for hvordan deres eksploderende bomber ville være begrenset til bare sår, ikke drap, deres intetanende ofre og hvordan de kunne forsikres om at de eneste tapene ville være uskyldige kubanske flyktninger, og ikke amerikanske tilskuere. Men det amerikanske militæret har lenge vært altfor selvsikkert i sin presisjon.

Det er ingen oversikt over hvordan McNamara svarte på dette kyniske forslaget fra hans øverste militære offiserer da Lemnitzer møtte ham den tirsdag ettermiddag. Men den skumle planen, som ble kodenavnet Operation Northwoods, fikk ikke høyere godkjenning. Da jeg spurte ham om Northwoods, sa McNamara: "Jeg husker absolutt det ikke. Men jeg hadde helt sikkert avvist det .... Jeg kan virkelig ikke tro at noen foreslo slike provoserende handlinger i Miami. Hvor dumt ! "

I likhet med presidenten så McNamara på Lemnitzer med knapt skjult forakt. "McNamaras arroganse var forbløffende," sa en Lemnitzer -assistent. "Han ga general Lemnitzer veldig kort tid og behandlet ham som en skolegutt. Generalen sto nesten på oppmerksomhet da han kom inn i rommet. Alt var" Ja, Sir "og" Nei, Sir. " "

Lemnitzer falt til og med på motebevisst Jackie Kennedy. "Vi tenkte godt på ham til han gjorde den feilen å komme inn i Det hvite hus en lørdag morgen i en sportsjakke," bemerket hun foraktfullt og understreket hvordan klasse og kultur, ikke bare politikk, delte Kennedy White House fra militæret.

Lemnitzer, en høyreekstrem ideolog hvis godkjennelse av general Edwin Walkers paranoide indoktrinering av hærstyrker hadde reist mistanken til senator William Fulbrights utenrikskomité, var like avvisende overfor Kennedy-mengden. Han trodde deres administrasjon "var lamslått ikke bare av uerfarenhet, men også av arroganse som følge av manglende anerkjennelse av [sine] egne begrensninger .... Problemet var ganske enkelt at sivile ikke ville godta militære dommer."

16. mars, tre dager etter møtet med McNamara, ble Lemnitzer innkalt av president Kennedy til det ovale kontoret for en diskusjon om Cuba -strategi som også ble deltatt av McCone, Bundy, Lansdale og Taylor. På et tidspunkt begynte den uopprettelige Lansdale som vanlig å holde fast på de forbedrede forholdene for folkelig opprør i Cuba, og la til at når den strålende anti-Castro-revolusjonen begynte, "må vi være klare til å gripe inn med amerikanske styrker, om nødvendig." Dette brakte en umiddelbar reaksjon fra Kennedy, noensinne varslet etter grisebukten om å bli sandpose i et militært svar på Cuba. Gruppen foreslo ikke at han skulle godkjenne amerikansk militær intervensjon, ikke sant? "Nei," skyndte Taylor og de andre seg straks for å forsikre ham.

Men Lemnitzer klarte ikke å holde seg tilbake. Han hoppet inn i det øyeblikket for å kjøre Operation Northwoods opp flaggstangen. Generalen sparte presidenten for planens mer grusomme idéminner, for eksempel å sprenge folk på gatene i Miami og nasjonens hovedstad og klandre det på Castro. Men han informerte Kennedy om at de felles sjefene "hadde planer om å lage plausible påskudd for å bruke makt [mot Cuba], med påskudd enten angrep på amerikanske fly eller en kubansk aksjon i Latin -Amerika som vi ville gjengjelde."

Kennedy var ikke underholdt. Han fikset Lemnitzer med et hardt blikk og "sa rett ut at vi ikke diskuterte bruk av amerikansk militærmakt," ifølge Lansdales notater om møtet. Presidenten la iskald til at Lemnitzer kan finne ut at han ikke hadde nok divisjoner til å kjempe på Cuba, hvis Sovjet reagerte på hans karibiske gambit ved å gå til krig i Berlin eller andre steder.

Til tross for presidentens kalde reaksjon, fortsatte den felles sjefsformannen i sin krigskampanje. Omtrent en måned etter møtet i Det hvite hus, samlet Lemnitzer sine medtjenestechefer i "tanken", som JCS konferanserom ble kalt. Under hans ledelse hamret de ut et strengt notat til McNamara og insisterte på at "det cubanske problemet skulle løses i nær fremtid." Det ville aldri bli oppnådd ved å vente på Ed Lansdales eventyrlige populære opprør, ble notatet klart. Det var bare en måte å få jobben gjort: "Joint Staff Chiefs anbefaler at en politikk for tidlig militær intervensjon på Cuba vedtas av USA."

Lemnitzer hadde slitt på Kennedy og McNamaras tålmodighet. Etter et nasjonalt sikkerhetsråds møte i juni tok presidenten generalen til side og fortalte ham at han ønsket å sende ham til Europa for å bli NATOs nye øverste allierte sjef. Kennedy ville erstatte Lemnitzer som landets fremste militærmann med den mer mottagelige Max Taylor. Han ville ha en mindre varmere til å trakassere ham om Cuba.

Vi kan fremme forsøk på cubanske flyktningers liv i USA, selv i den grad det blir såret i tilfeller som skal offentliggjøres mye. Å eksplodere noen få plastbomber på nøye utvalgte steder, arrestasjon av kubanske agenter og utgivelse av utarbeidede dokumenter som underbygger kubansk involvering vil også være nyttig for å projisere ideen om en uansvarlig regjering.


Operasjon Northwoods og planen om å skylde på JFK -attentatet på Castro

Vær nøye med Jim Garrison ’s kommentarer som starter kl. 4:14 i videoen. På tidspunktet for Jim Garrison -rettssaken nevnte han en plan om å myrde Fidel Castro, som da president Kennedy nektet å henrette, ble han selv drept.

For å sitere Wikipedia -oppføringen for Operation Northwoods:


Operasjon Northwoods var en rekke forslag til falske flagg som oppsto i USAs regjering i 1962, men ble avvist av Kennedy -administrasjonen. [2] Forslagene ba om at Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), eller andre operatører, begikk oppfattede terrorhandlinger i amerikanske byer og andre steder. Disse terrorhandlingene skulle klandres på Cuba for å skape offentlig støtte for en krig mot den nasjonen, som nylig hadde blitt kommunist under Fidel Castro. [3]

En del av Operation Northwoods var å utvikle en kommunistisk cubansk terrorkampanje i Miami -området, i andre byer i Florida og til og med i Washington ”. Operasjon Northwoods forslag inkluderte kapringer og bombinger etterfulgt av innføring av falske bevis som ville implisere den kubanske regjeringen. Den uttalte: Det ønskede resultatet av gjennomføringen av denne planen ville være å plassere USA i den tilsynelatende posisjonen å lide forsvarbare klager fra et utslett og uansvarlig regjering på Cuba og å utvikle et internasjonalt image av en kubansk trussel mot fred i Vesten Halvkule. Flere andre forslag ble inkludert i Operation Northwoods, inkludert virkelige eller simulerte handlinger mot forskjellige amerikanske militære og sivile mål. Planen ble utarbeidet av de felles stabssjefene, signert av styreleder Lyman Lemnitzer og sendt til forsvarsministeren. Selv om en del av den amerikanske regjeringens antikommunistiske initiativ for Cuban Projects initiativ, ble Operation Northwoods aldri offisielt akseptert, men ble godkjent av Joint Staff Chiefs, men deretter avvist av president John F. Kennedy. ”

Hvis forslag fra Operation Northwoods inkluderte kapring og bombing etterfulgt av innføring av falske bevis som ville implisere den cubanske regjeringen, hvorfor ikke mordet på president Kennedy? Ville det ikke provosert amerikanerne til en fullstendig krig med Cuba? Det som er kjent er at Lee Harvey Oswald var ansatt i FBI på tidspunktet for hans død, og at han advarte FBI om at det var en militant høyreplan for å drepe presidenten.

Lydklipp: Politiet i Miami registrerte en FBI-informant som diskuterte attentatet med en ultrahøyre militant Klansman Joseph Milteer, 9. november 1963.

24. november 1963, to dager etter attentatet, fortalte Milteer at de ikke ville bekymre seg for at Lee Harvey Oswald skulle bli fanget fordi han ikke vet noe og at den rette fløyen er i klar.

President Kennedy ble myrdet av menn som ønsket å få en radikal endring i vår utenrikspolitikk, spesielt med hensyn til Cuba. Du husker at under president Kennedy begynte den kalde krigen å tine opp, og det var nye tegn på et forsøk fra Sovjetunionens side og oss selv på å forstå hverandre.

“ På kartet ser dette [Cuba] ut til å være bare en stor øy utenfor kysten av Florida. Men for mange menn betydde det mye mer enn dette. I 1963 eksisterte det et stort mangfold av interesser, som ikke bare ønsket en amerikansk støttet invasjon av Castros Cuba, men tok det for gitt at det var uunngåelig.

I mange menneskers sinn representerte denne øya et enormt emosjonelt landemerke, fordi de hadde styrt kursene mot den så lenge og med en så intensitet.

Høsten 1962 skjedde den cubanske missilkrisen. Det ble fulgt av en uttalt ny holdning til Cuba fra USAs side. Cuba, etter at dette ikke lenger ble sett på som en fiende og ikke lenger ble sett på som et rettferdig spill for de mennene som av en eller annen grunn fokuserte sin oppmerksomhet på denne øya. De nye tegnene på forståelse mellom Russland og USA fortsatte å utvikle seg.

I juni 1963 fortalte president Kennedy, som talte til studenter ved American University i Washington, at vi puster inn den samme luften som russerne. Han sa at vi skulle prøve å leve sammen i fred på denne jorden. På dette tidspunktet overførte noen individer sin fiendtlige oppmerksomhet fra Fidel Castro til John F. Kennedy. De planla presidentens attentat, og de planla det godt. ”

Hvorfor ikke bare velte Kennedy gjennom skjulte midler som ikke inkluderte drap? Hele poenget var å oppmuntre amerikanere til krig med Cuba. Den eneste måten å fjerne dette på er hvis du hadde en konspirator som ville kontrollere de væpnede styrkene, FBI, CIA og andre føderale byråer og nyhetsbutikker når attentatet var fullført. Det var bare én person som kunne gjøre det, og det var visepresident Lyndon Baines Johnson. Johnson, på tidspunktet for drapet på Kennedy, skulle ikke være med på billetten i 󈨄 og var også involvert i drapet på en føderal landbruksagent i Texas, Henry Marshall. Hans mafia -bånd hadde også blitt smertefullt tydelige på et tidspunkt da Robert F. Kennedy begynte å slå ned på dem. Det er også interessant å merke seg at LBJ ’s Secret Service kodenavn var “Volunteer ” på tidspunktet for attentatet.

Så hvorfor invaderte Johnson ikke Cuba etter at det var en så stor overvekt av at bevisene impliserte Castro? En ganske god grunn: KGB visste at Johnson var ansvarlig, og kunne bevise det. Videre hadde amerikanerne og resten av verden blitt oppslukt av alvoret i den cubanske missilkrisen, som virkelig brakte oss til randen av atomkrig. En veldig nær samtale med sovjetisk ubåt B-59 viser hvor nært vi var. Oktober 1962 hadde elleve US Navy destroyers og hangarskipet USS Randolf forfulgt ubåten i nærheten av kubansk farvann, men uvitende om at USA hadde droppet praksis dybdeavgifter for å tvinge ubåten til å komme til overflaten for å bli identifisert, Sovjetisk mannskap antok at de ble angrepet. På det tidspunktet hadde det sovjetiske mannskapet, som hadde gått dypt i sitt forsøk på å unngå forfølgere for å overvåke all sivil radiotrafikk fra amerikanerne, ingen anelse om en krig hadde brutt ut. Det hadde heller ikke vært kontakt fra Moskva i flere dager. Skipets kaptein ønsket å lansere en atomtorpedo, men en slik oppskyting krev enstemmig avgjørelse fra tre offiserer. Arkipov var en av dem, og argumenterte mot ideen til han til slutt seiret over de to offiserene til fordel for en streik. De fleste amerikanere ante selvfølgelig ikke at dette hadde skjedd, men hendelsen beviste den uvanlige tankegangen til krigshaukene som senere ville prøve å invadere Cuba igjen, etter at Kennedy tint forholdet til Cuba og Sovjetunionen. Operation Northwoods -notatet nedenfor for forsvarsministeren, Robert MacNamara, ble skrevet nesten et år etter den katastrofale invasjonen av Pigs Bay.

Et medlem av Warren -kommisjonen mente Johnson “ kunne finnes på den et sted … ”

Hale Boggs, medlem av Warren Commission, kom til å tro at Johnson hadde en rolle i attentatet mot JFK. Boggs hadde sagt, med hensyn til “single bullet (dvs. Magic Bullet) teorien om at han hadde sterk tvil om det. Implikasjonen er selvfølgelig at Oswald ikke kunne ha handlet alene.

Lyd LBJ og riksadvokat Ramsey Clarke: Medlem av Warren -kommisjonen mente Johnson “ kunne finnes på det et sted … ”

Johnson hadde fulgt Garrison -saken helt fra begynnelsen. Ovenfor er en samtale han hadde med riksadvokat Ramsey Clark angående rettssaken, media ’s “jaundiced eye ”, og Hale Boggs ’ tro på at ikke bare attentatet var en konspirasjon, men at “ Johnson kunne finnes i det et sted … ”

På det tidspunktet spurte Johnson: Hvem fortalte Hale dette til? Sa Hale til distriktsadvokaten der nede at jeg kunne bli funnet på den et eller annet sted? ”

Ramsey gir ham et navn, men det er veldig vanskelig å se på grunn av den dårlige kvaliteten på båndet. Som tilfellet var med den konstante overvåking av Jim Garrison og enhver offentlig person som satte spørsmålstegn ved den ensomme snikmordersteorien eller integriteten til Magic Bullet Theory, la han til at “FBI hadde mange øyne og ører med en kar som Hale Boggs. ” At FBI ville undersøke et medlem av Warren -kommisjonen som hadde i oppgave å oppdage sannheten om attentatet var å fortelle i seg selv.

I sannhet burde Kennedy -attentatet egentlig ikke kalles en konspirasjon, for det var mye mer enn det. Det var et kupp d ’état, eller et styrt, dvs. henrettet av en liten gruppe av den eksisterende staten, militæret, som avsatte Kennedy -administrasjonen for å erstatte den med Johnson -administrasjonen. Fordi Kennedy fortsatt ville ha lojale støttespillere i det store flertallet av de væpnede tjenestene og etterretningssamfunnet etter hans død, var det kritisk at den påtroppende presidenten var alliert med konspiratorene for å fjerne, forstyrre eller villede føderale og statlige etterforskere. Johnson ville nå kontrollere CIA, FBI, de gjenværende væpnede styrkene, etc. Han ville også ha utrolig mye kontroll over trykte og kringkastede medier, og det ville ikke vært første gang. Det har blitt kontrollert i en eller annen grad siden Word War II. Hvis du vil ha navn, mister du skogen for trærne. Kuppet kunne aldri ha funnet sted uten Johnson ’s godkjennelse og deltakelse.

Så hvor er bevisene som peker på Johnson? Hva ville motivere Johnson til å delta i handlingen? Det var mange gode grunner. Han hadde mafiabånd på et tidspunkt da riksadvokat Robert F. Kennedy slo til mot dem. Han var involvert i drapet på landbruksagenten Henry Marshall i Texas. Det var Billy Sol Estes -affæren. Han skulle også slippes fra billetten i 1964, noe som effektivt ville stoppe presidentens ambisjoner og gjøre ham sårbar for straffeforfølgelse.


Operation Northwoods: En foreslått operasjon med falskt flagg for å fly fly inn i amerikanske bygninger og klandre Castro

Den 13. mars 1962 foreslo de felles stabssjefene til president John F. Kennedy at USA skulle angripe seg selv og klandre Cuba. Dette er det som er kjent som et & ldquofalse flagg & rdquo -arrangement.

Dette forslaget kom på forespørsel fra CIA & rsquos Edward Lansdale som hadde ansvaret for anti-Castro-prosjektet.

Kennedy avfeide det som galskap, sikkert å føre til krig. Dette satte ham på et dødelig kollisjonskurs med de mektigste menneskene i landet.

Dette lite kjente forslaget, kodenavnet Operation Northwoods, er svært relevant i dag. Det gir et avgjørende bakteppe for den morderiske tankegangen til de som Castro & mdash og Kennedy & mdash hadde gjort sint. Videre ville vi være tåpelig å anta at institusjonenes grunnleggende natur har endret seg. Fristelsen til å konstruere såkalte falskflagghendelser kan ganske enkelt være for stor til å motstå.

Var Northwoods en anomali? Absolutt ikke. Å lage provokasjoner for å rettferdiggjøre handling og mdash ved å få det til å se ut som om du bare reagerer & mdash har lenge vært et knep for mange regjeringer, over tid og over hele verden.

USA har neppe vært immun mot fristelsen til å forme hendelser, meninger og historiske baner: En eksplosjon på det amerikanske slagskipet, Maine, i Havana Harbour, kan ha blitt designet å bygge offentlig støtte for den amerikanske overtakelsen av Cuba Tonkin -bukten , et angrep som skyldtes nordvietnameserne for å rettferdiggjøre utvidelsen av Vietnam-konfliktoperasjonen Gladio, der terrorangrep i Europa på 1970-tallet ble skylden på venstreorienterte, men konstruert av høyreorienterte nettverk støttet av amerikansk etterretning. Og WhoWhatWhyy har dekket det siste bruk av forfalskede grusomheter for å rettferdiggjøre styrtet av Muammar Qaddafi og den strategiske gripingen av den verdifulle nordafrikanske eiendommen.

Så det er ingen overraskelse at mange amerikanere ikke stoler på sin regjering når den forsikrer dem om at den ble fanget helt uvitende av angrepene 11. september. Fordi fortiden er prolog, ville vi gjort det bra å lære detaljene til Northwoods.

Peter Dale Scott & mdash professor i engelsk ved Berkeley, tidligere kanadisk diplomat, poet, forfatter av flere kritikerroste bøker om de sentrale hendelsene i Amerika & rsquos siste fortid & mdash har uvanlig innsikt i slike hendelser. Her er et kort utdrag fra boken hans, & lsquoAmerican War Machine: Deep Politics, CIA Global Drug Connection, og veien til Afghanistan& lsquo (kapittel 9: & ldquo 9/11 og American Tradition of Engineered Deep Events. & rdquo):

Operasjon Northwoods: Planlegging av provokasjoner og bedrag mot Cuba

Vi vet at Pentagon var i stand til å planlegge grusomheter som påskudd for krig fra serien av dokumenter som samlet kalles Project Northwoods.

Northwoods var et svar fra JCS [Joint Chiefs of Staff] på en forespørsel fra Edward Lansdale, som i 1962 var operasjonsleder for anti-Castro Cuba-prosjektet, også kjent som Operation Mongoose.

Lansdale hadde spurt & ldquofor kort, men presis beskrivelse av påskudd som ville gi begrunnelse for amerikansk militær intervensjon på Cuba.

Vi kan utvikle en kommunistisk kubansk terrorkampanje i Miami -området, i andre byer i Florida og til og med i Washington. Terrorkampanjen kan rettes mot flyktninger som søker tilfluktssted i USA. Vi kunne synke en båtlasting med cubanere på vei til Florida (ekte eller simulert). Vi kan fremme forsøk på cubanske flyktningers liv i USA, selv i den grad det blir såret i tilfeller som skal offentliggjøres mye. Å eksplodere noen få plastbomber på nøye utvalgte steder, arrestasjon av kubanske agenter og utgivelse av utarbeidede dokumenter som underbygger kubansk involvering, vil også være nyttig for å projisere ideen om en uansvarlig regjering.

Dette var bare ett av ni avsnitt i et vedlegg som foreslo en meny med (med ordene) mulig & ldquoprovocation & rdquo og & ldquodeception & rdquo mot Cuba.

[Ed: Hvis du vil lese om flere av disse foreslåtte konstruerte hendelsene, kan du gå her.]

At Lemnitzer ville videresende et slikt provoserende dokument er ikke overraskende. Bare noen få måneder tidligere, i juli 1961, hadde han sluttet seg til CIA -direktør Allen Dulles for å støtte en plan for et atomoverraskelsesangrep mot Sovjetunionen og ldquoin sent i 1963, innledet med en periode med økte spenninger. & Rdquo (2)

Luftforsvarets general Leon Johnson sa senere til National Security Council at JCS anslår at et forebyggende angrep vil resultere i minst 140 millioner dødsulykker i Sovjetunionen. & Rdquo (3)

Ett år senere, i mai 1963, fortsatte et annet JCS -dokument med å skrive om en provokasjon som påskudd for invasjon og rdquo og argumenterte for at konstruksjon av en rekke provokasjoner for å rettferdiggjøre militær intervensjon er mulig og kan oppnås med de tilgjengelige ressursene. & Rdquo ( 4)

Dette dokumentet ble utarbeidet av J-5, JCS Directorate of Plans and Policy, og ldquoin svar på en forespørsel [av 25. mars 1963] fra formannen for JCS om å gi kommentarer og anbefalinger angående kravene til og ønsket om å oppmuntre til et opprør på Cuba, med tanke på fordelen ved å konstruere en hendelse som en alternativ årsak til invasjon. & rdquo (5) Denne styrelederen var Kennedy & rsquos valg for å etterfølge Lemnitzer, Maxwell Taylor.

(Taylor huskes generelt som talsmannen for et fleksibelt svar i stedet for å gjøre gjengjeldelse for å håndtere internasjonale kriser. Men han er også generalen som, så tidlig som i 1961, møtte andre hauker og ldquoto fikk Kennedy til og hellip bruke militærmakt i begge Laos og Sør-Vietnam. & Rdquo (6) Betydelig var Taylor som JCS-styreleder i 1963 samtidig å fremme J-5-planer for eskalerte angrep, eller 34A-operasjoner, mot Nord-Vietnam.)

All denne kubanske planleggingen var til støtte for JCS OPLANS 312 (Air Attack in Cuba) og 316 (Invasion of Cuba). Dette var ikke teoretiske øvelser, men aktivt utviklet operasjonsplaner som JCS bare var for ivrige etter å gjennomføre. (7)

(Det er ikke generelt innsett at blokaden av Cuba, nå håndhevet i nesten et halvt århundre, begynte som det første trinnet i planleggingen for OPLAN 316.) (8)

Til støtte for disse planene fungerte J-5 som et verksted for fremstilling av påskudd, eller det vi kan kalle dype bedragshendelser. Som James G. Hershberg skrev i 1990,

En gjennomgang av Pentagon -planleggingen gjør det klart at for en liten krets med høye sivile og militære tjenestemenn, representerte ideen om at USA bevisst kan provosere hendelser på Cuba som kan være påskudd for amerikansk intervensjon et mulig handlingsforløp, som ofte påberopes. , snarere enn en utenkelig injurier som hadde kommet ut av de paranoide fantasiene til Havana og Moskva. (9)

Minst ett av de falske flaggbedragene som er tenkt i Northwoods-dokumentet og mdash & ldquoCuban & rsquo-forsendelser av våpen som kan bli funnet eller fanget opp på stranden og rdquo i et annet land og mdash kan ha blitt implementert.

Venezuela kunngjorde i november 1963 at det på en venezuelansk strand hadde oppdaget en cache med cubanske armer, bestående av rifler, maskingevær og ammunisjon.

Dette var kort tid etter at John F. Kennedy hadde bedt CIA -direktør John McCone om bevis på Castro & rsquos -inngrep i Venezuela, og ldquothat kunne presenteres i et offentlig forum, for eksempel OAS [Organization of American States]. & Rdquo [Spesielt etter avtalen med Khrusjtsjov om ikke å invadere Cuba, var Kennedy besatt av å stoppe en større spredning av kastroisme i Latin -Amerika. Hans forespørsel om bevis bør imidlertid ikke tolkes som en invitasjon til å lage det.]

CIA -offiserer brakte et av de bufrede riflene til Kennedys, og Richard Helms rapporterer at presidenten svarte, & ldquoFantastisk arbeid. & Rdquo (10) [Ed: For å lære mer om denne episoden, vennligst gå her. ]

Referanser

  1. Joint Staff Chiefs, Memorandum for Defence Secretary, 13. mars 1962 (Northwoods Document), 1, NARA # 202-10002-10404, 128, gjengitt i Michael C. Ruppert, Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil (Gabriola Island, BC: New Society Publishers, 2004), 595.
  2. Notater om National Security Meeting, 20. juli 1961, i James K. Galbraith og Heather A. Purcell, & ldquo Planla det amerikanske militæret et atomvåpenstrøk for 1963? & Rdquo American Prospect, høst 1994, 88 jfr. James W. Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2008), 235.
  3. Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, 239 & ndash40.
  4. Felles stabssjefer, og ldquo Handlingsforløp relatert til Cuba (sak II), og rdquo-rapport fra J-5 til de felles stabssjefene, 1. mai 1963, NARA #202 -10002-10018, 21, http: // www .maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do? docId = 167 & amprelPageId = 21.
  5. Felles stabssjefer, og ldquo Handlingsforløp relatert til Cuba (sak II), og rdquo-rapport fra J-5 til de felles stabssjefene, 1. mai 1963, NARA #202-10002-10018, 4.
  6. Gareth Porter, Perils of Dominance: Unbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 265, jfr. 148.
  7. g., Memorandum fra de felles stabssjefene til president Kennedy, 16. november 1962, JCSM-910-62, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/msc_cuba186.asp: & ldquo De felles stabssjefene er glade å rapportere at våre væpnede styrker er i en optimal stilling for å utføre CINCLANT OPLANS 312-62 (Air Attack in Cuba) (1) og 316-62 (Invasion of Cuba). (2) Vi er ikke bare klare til å iverksette tiltak du måtte bestille på Cuba, vi er også i utmerket stand over hele verden for å motvirke enhver sovjetisk militær reaksjon på slike handlinger. & Rdquo
  8. Telegram fra hovedkvarteret til sjefen for sjefen, Atlantic, til hovedkvarteret for sjefen for sjefen, Atlantic Fleet, 21. september 1962, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961 & ndash1963 [heretter FRUS], bind. 10, 1082 og ndash83.
  9. Hershberg, & ldquoFør & lsquoThe Missiles of October, & rsquo & rdquo 242.
  10. Stephen G. Rabe, det farligste området i verden: John F. Kennedy konfronterer kommunistisk revolusjon i Latin -Amerika (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 107.


Analyse av den cubanske missilkrisen

Ifølge forskjellige ressurser besto Cuba -missilkrisen av to forskjellige årsaker. Av den første grunnen var hovedårsaken til Cuba -missilkrisen den amerikanske regjeringen ønsket å velte Fidel Castros regime. I 1959 kom Castro til makten for å velte regimet til Batista som støttet av den amerikanske regjeringen. USA begynte å velte regimet til Castro ved hjelp av medlemmer av organisasjoner i amerikanske stater. Men medlemmer miskrediterte bare Castro -regimet. & Hellip


Operation Northwoods - Historie

USA PLANLEGGTE FALSKE TERRORISTANfall mot borgere

FOR Å SKAPE STØTTE FOR KUBANSK KRIG

Fra BODY OF SECRETS, James Bamford, Doubleday, 2001, s.82 og følgende: skannet og redigert av NY Transfer News.

. Etter Lemnitzers syn på [Joint Chief's chair] ville landet vært langt bedre hvis generalene kunne ta over. [JFK -attentatlegenden har det som en general som ledet den fudgy JFK -obduksjonen. --Mk]

For de militære offiserene som satt på gjerdet, var Kennedy -administrasjonens ødelagte invasjon av Pigs Bay det siste strået. "Grisen -fiaskoen brøt dike," sa en rapport den gangen. "President Kennedy ble pillet av superpatrioter som en 'no-win' sjef ...

Ytterst til høyre ble en kilde med forslag født av frustrasjon og fremmet i antikommunismens navn. . . Aktive pliktførere var vertskap for antikommunistiske seminarer på sine baser og deltok på eller talte til høyre-møter andre steder. "

Selv om ingen på kongressen kunne ha visst det på den tiden, hadde Lemnitzer og Joint Chiefs stille sklidd utover kanten.

I henhold til hemmelige og lenge skjulte dokumenter (lenken åpnes i pdf-format) som ble innhentet for Body of Secrets, utarbeidet og godkjente de felles stabssjefene planer for den som kan være den mest korrupte planen som noen gang er laget av den amerikanske regjeringen. I antikommunismens navn foreslo de å starte en hemmelig og blodig terrorkrig mot sitt eget land for å lure den amerikanske offentligheten til å støtte en dårlig gjennomtenkt krig de hadde tenkt å starte mot Cuba.

Koden som heter Operation Northwoods, planen, som hadde skriftlig godkjenning av styrelederen og alle medlemmer av de felles stabssjefene, ba om at uskyldige mennesker skulle skytes på amerikanske gater for at båter som fraktet flyktninger fra Cuba ble senket på åpent hav for en bølge av voldelig terrorisme som skal lanseres i Washington, DC, Miami og andre steder.

Folk ville bli innrammet for bombinger de ikke begikk fly ville bli kapret. Ved å bruke falske bevis ville alt dette bli klandret for Castro, og dermed gitt Lemnitzer og hans kabal unnskyldningen, så vel som offentlig og internasjonal støtte, de trengte å starte krigen.

Ideen kan faktisk ha sitt opphav hos president Eisenhower i de siste dagene av hans administrasjon. Med den kalde krigen varmere enn noensinne og den nylige U-2-skandalen frisk i offentlighetens minne, ønsket den gamle generalen å gå ut med en seier. Han ønsket desperat å invadere Cuba i ukene før Kennedys innvielse, 3. januar sa han til Lemnitzer og andre hjelpere i kabinettet at han ville bevege seg mot Castro før innsettelsen hvis bare cubanerne ga ham en virkelig god unnskyldning.

Da tiden ble mindre, flyt Eisenhower en idé. Hvis Castro ikke klarte å gi den unnskyldningen, kanskje, sa han, kunne USA "tenke på å produsere noe som generelt ville være akseptabelt." Det han antydet var påskudd av en bombing, et angrep, en sabotasjeaksjon utført i hemmelighet mot USA av USA. Formålet ville være å rettferdiggjøre starten på en krig. Det var et farlig forslag fra en desperat president.

Selv om ingen slik krig fant sted, gikk ideen ikke tapt på general Lemnitzer. Men han og hans kolleger var frustrert over Kennedys unnlatelse av å godkjenne planen sin, og sinte over at Castro ikke hadde gitt en unnskyldning for å invadere.

Det siste strået kan ha kommet under et møte i Det hvite hus 26. februar 1962. Bekymret for at general Lansdales forskjellige skjulte handlingsplaner under Operasjon Mongoose rett og slett ble mer opprørende og gikk ingen vei, ba Robert Kennedy ham om å slippe all innsats mot Castro. I stedet ble Lansdale beordret til å konsentrere seg de neste tre månedene om å samle etterretning om Cuba. Det var et ydmykende nederlag for Lansdale, en mann som er mer vant til ros enn å forakte.

Da Kennedy -brødrene plutselig så ut til å "gå myke" på Castro, kunne Lemnitzer se muligheten hans til å invadere Cuba raskt gli unna. The attempts to provoke the Cuban public to revolt seemed dead and Castro, unfortunately, appeared to have no inclination to launch any attacks against Americans or their property Lemnitzer and the other Chiefs knew there was only one option left that would ensure their war.

They would have to trick the American public and world opinion into hating Cuba so much that they would not only go along, but would insist that he and his generals launch their war against Castro. "World opinion, and the United Nations forum," said a secret JCS document, "should be favorably affected by developing the international image of the Cuban government as rash and irresponsible, and as an alarming and unpredictable threat to the peace of the Western Hemisphere."

Operation Northwoods called for a war in which many patriotic Americans and innocent Cubans would die senseless deaths, all to satisfy the egos of twisted generals back in Washington, safe in their taxpayer financed homes and limousines.

One idea seriously considered involved the launch of John Glenn, the first American to orbit the earth. On February 20,1962, Glenn was to lift off from Cape Canaveral, Florida, on his historic journey. The flight was to carry the banner of America's virtues of truth, freedom, and democracy into orbit high over the planet. But Lemnitzer and his Chiefs had a different idea. They proposed to Lansdale that, should the rocket explode and kill Glenn, "the objective is to provide irrevocable proof that . . . the fault lies with the Communists et al Cuba [sic.]"

This would be accomplished, Lemnitzer continued, "by manufacturing various pieces of evidence which would prove electronic interference on the part of the Cubans." Thus, as NASA prepared to send the first American into space, the Joint Chiefs of Staff were preparing to use John Glenn's possible death as a pretext to launch a war.

Glenn lifted into history without mishap, leaving Lemnitzer and the Chiefs to begin devising new plots which they suggested be carried out "within the time frame of the next few months."

Among the actions recommended was "a series of well coordinated incidents to take place in and around" the U.S. Navy base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. This included dressing "friendly" Cubans in Cuban military uniforms and then have them "start riots near the main gate of the base. Others would pretend to be saboteurs inside the base. Ammunition would be blown up, fires started, aircraft sabotaged, mortars fired at the base with damage to installations."

The suggested operations grew progressively more outrageous. Another called for an action similar to the infamous incident in February 1898 when an explosion aboard the battleship Maine in Havana harbor killed 266 U.S. sailors. Although the exact cause of the explosion remained undetermined, it sparked the Spanish-American War with Cuba.

[NOTE: According to Doug Reed in Controversy of Zion , when the Maine was raised, her plates were found to have been blown out by an inner explosion. JP ]

Incited by the deadly blast, more than one million men volunteered for duty. Lemnitzer and his generals came up with a similar plan. "We could blow up a U.S. ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba," they proposed "casualty lists in U.S. newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation."

There seemed no limit to their fanaticism: "We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington," they wrote. "The terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States.

We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). . . . We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized."

Bombings were proposed, false arrests, hijackings:

*"Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government."

*"Advantage can be taken of the sensitivity of the Dominican [Republic] Air Force to intrusions within their national air space. 'Cuban' B-26 or C-46 type aircraft could make cane burning raids at night. Soviet Bloc incendiaries could be found. This could be coupled with 'Cuban' messages to the Communist underground in the Dominican Republic and 'Cuban' shipments of arms which would be found, or intercepted, on the beach. Use of MiG type aircraft by U.S. pilots could provide additional provocation."

*"Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft could appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the Government of Cuba."

Among the most elaborate schemes was to "create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner en route from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight."

Lemnitzer and the Joint Chiefs worked out a complex deception:

An aircraft at Elgin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CJA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be substituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone [a remotely controlled unmanned aircraft]. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida.

From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Elgin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will be transmitting on the international distress frequency a "May Day" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MiG aircraft.

The transmission will be interrupted by destruction of the aircraft, which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow ICAO [International Civil Aviation Organization radio stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the U.S. what has happened to the aircraft instead of the U.S. trying to "sell" the incident.

Finally, there was a plan to "make it appear that Communist Cuban MiGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack." It was a particularly believable operation given the decade of shoot downs that had just taken place.

In the final sentence of his letter to Secretary McNamara recommending the operations, Lemnitzer made a grab for even more power asking that the Joint Chiefs be placed in charge of carrying out Operation Northwoods and the invasion. "It is recommended," he wrote, "that this responsibility for both oven and covert military operations be assigned to the Joint Chiefs of Staff."

At 2:30 on the afternoon of Tuesday, March 13, 1962, Lemnitzer went over last-minute details of Operation Northwoods with his covert action chief, Brigadier General William H. Craig, and signed the document. He then went to a "special meeting" in McNamara's office. An hour later he met with Kennedy's military representative, General Maxwell Taylor.

What happened during those meetings is unknown. But three days later, President Kennedy told Lemnitzer that there was virtually no possibility that the U.S. would ever use overt military force in Cuba.

Undeterred, Lemnitzer and the Chiefs persisted, virtually to the point of demanding that they be given authority to invade and take over Cuba. About a month after submitting Operation Northwoods, they met the "tank," as the JCS conference room was called, and agreed on the wording of a tough memorandum to McNamara. They wrote:

"The Joint Chiefs of Staff believe that the Cuban problem must be solved in the near future.

"Further, they see no prospect of early success in overthrowing the present communist regime either as a result of internal uprising or external political, economic or psychological pressures. Accordingly they believe that military intervention by the United States will be required to overthrow the present communist regime."

Lemnitzer was virtually rabid in his hatred of Communism in general and Castro in particular "The Joint Chiefs of Staff believe that the United States can undertake military intervention in Cuba without risk of general war" he continued. "They also believe that the intervention can be accomplished rapidly enough to minimize communist opportunities for solicitation of UN action." However what Lemnitzer was suggesting was not freeing the Cuban people, who were largely in support of Castro, but imprisoning them in a U.S. military-controlled police state. "Forces would assure rapid essential military control of Cuba," he wrote. "Continued police action would be required."

Concluding, Lemnitzer did not mince words: "[T]he Joint Chiefs of Staff recommend that a national policy of early military intervention in Cuba be adopted by the United States. They also recommend that such intervention be undertaken as soon as possible and preferably before the release of National Guard and Reserve forces presently on active duty."

By then McNamara had virtually no confidence in his military chief and was rejecting nearly every proposal the general sent to him. The rejections became so routine, said one of Lemnitzer's former staff officers, that the staffer told the general that the situation was putting the military in an "embarrassing rut." But Lemnitzer replied, "I am the senior military office--it's my job to state what I believe and it's his [McNamara's] job to approve or disapprove." "McNamara's arrogance was astonishing," said Lemnitzer's aide, who knew nothing of Operation Northwoods. "He gave General Lemnitzer very short shrift and treated him like a schoolboy. The general almost stood at attention when he came into the room. Everything was 'Yes, sir' and 'No, sir.'

Within months, Lemnitzer was denied a second term as JCS chairman and transferred to Europe as chief of NATO. Years later President Gerald Ford appointed Lemnitzer, a darling of the Republican right, to the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. Lemnitzer's Cuba chief, Brigadier General Craig, was also transferred. Promoted to major general, he spent three years as chief of the Army Security Agency, NSA's military arm.

Because of the secrecy and illegality of Operation Northwoods, all details remained hidden for forty years. Lemnitzer may have thought that all copies of the relevant documents had been destroyed he was not one to leave compromising material lying around. Following the Bay of Pigs debacle, for example, he ordered Brigadier General David W Gray, Craig's predecessor as chief of the Cuba project within the JCS, to destroy all his notes concerning Joint Chiefs actions and discussions during that period. Gray's meticulous notes were the only detailed official records of what happened within the JCS during that time. According to Gray, Lemnitzer feared a congressional investigation and therefore wanted any incriminating evidence destroyed.

With the evidence destroyed, Lemnitzer felt free to lie to Congress. When asked, during secret hearings before a Senate committee, if he knew of any Pentagon plans for a direct invasion of Cuba he said he did not. Yet detailed JCS invasion plans had been drawn up even before Kennedy was inaugurated. And additional plans had been developed since.

The consummate planner and man of details also became evasive, suddenly encountering great difficulty in recalling key aspects of the operation, as if he had been out of the country during the period. It was a sorry spectacle. Senator Gore called for Lemnitzer to be fired. "We need a shake up of the Joint Chiefs of Staff" he said. "We direly need a new chairman, as well as new members." No one had any idea of Operation Northwoods.

Because so many documents were destroyed, it is difficult to determine how many senior officials were aware of Operation Northwoods. As has been described, the document was signed and fully approved by Lemnitzer and the rest of the Joint Chiefs and addressed to the Secretary of Defense for his signature. Whether it went beyond McNamara to the president and the attorney general is not known.

Even after Lemnitzer lost his job, the Joint Chiefs kept planning "pretext" operations at least into 1963. Among their proposals was a deliberately create a war between Cuba and any of a number of .n American neighbors.

This would give the United States military an excuse to come in on the side of Cuba's adversary and get rid of "A contrived 'Cuban' attack on an OAS [Organization of Americas] member could be set up," said one proposal, "and the attacked state could be urged to 'take measures of self-defense and request ice from the U.S. and OAS the U.S. could almost certainly obtain necessary two-thirds support among OAS members for collective action against Cuba."

Among the nations they suggested that the United States secretly were Jamaica and Trinidad-Tobago. Both were members of the Commonwealth thus, by secretly attacking them and then blaming Cuba, the United States could lure England into the war Castro. The report noted, "Any of the contrived situations de above are inherently, extremely risky in our democratic system in which security can be maintained, after the fact, with very great difficulty.

If the decision should be made to set up a contrived situation it be one in which participation by U.S. personnel is limited only to the most highly trusted covert personnel. This suggests the infeasibility of the use of military units for any aspect of the contrived situation."

The report even suggested secretly paying someone in the Castro government to attack the United States: "The only area remaining for ration then would be to bribe one of Castro's subordinate commanders to initiate an attack on [the U.S. naval base at] Guantanamo." The act suggested--bribing a foreign nation to launch a violent attack American military installation--was treason.

In May 1963, Assistant Secretary of Defense Paul H. Nitze sent a the White House proposing "a possible scenario whereby an attack on a United States reconnaissance aircraft could be exploited toward the end of effecting the removal of the Castro regime."

In the event Cuba attacked a U-2, the plan proposed sending in additional American pilots, this time on dangerous, unnecessary low-level reconnaissance missions with the expectation that they would also be shot down, thus provoking a war "[T]he U.S. could undertake various measures designed to stimulate the Cubans to provoke a new incident," said the plan. Nitze, however, did not volunteer to be one of the pilots.

One idea involved sending fighters across the island on "harassing reconnaissance" and "show-off" missions "flaunting our freedom of action, hoping to stir the Cuban military to action." "Thus," said the plan, "depending above all on whether the Cubans were or could be made to be trigger-happy, the development of the initial downing of a reconnaissance plane could lead at best to the elimination of Castro, perhaps to the removal of Soviet troops and the installation of ground inspection in Cuba, or at the least to our demonstration of firmness on reconnaissance." About a month later, a low-level flight was made across Cuba, but unfortunately for the Pentagon, instead of bullets it produced only a protest.

Lemnitzer was a dangerous-perhaps even unbalanced-right-wing extremist in an extraordinarily sensitive position during a critical period. But Operation Northwoods also had the support of every single member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and even senior Pentagon official Paul Nitze argued in favor of provoking a phony war with Cuba.

The fact that the most senior members of all the services and the Pentagon could be so out of touch with reality and the meaning of democracy would be hidden for four decades.

In retrospect, the documents offer new insight into the thinking of the military's star-studded leadership. Although they never succeeded in launching America into a phony war with Cuba, they may have done so with Vietnam. More than 50,000 Americans and more than 2 million Vietnamese were eventually killed in that war.

It has long been suspected that the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident-the spark that led to America's long war in Vietnam-was largely staged or provoked by U.S. officials in order to build up congressional and public support for American involvement. Over the years, serious questions have been raised about the alleged attack by North Vietnamese patrol boats on two American destroyers in the Gulf But defenders of the Pentagon have always denied such charges, arguing that senior officials would never engage in such deceit.

Now, however, in light of the Operation Northwoods documents, it at deceiving the public and trumping up wars for Americans to fight and die in was standard, approved policy at the highest levels of the Pentagon. In fact, the Gulf of Tonkin seems right out of the Operation Northwoods playbook: "We could blow up a U.S. ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba . . . casualty lists in U.S. newspapers cause a helpful wave of indignation."

One need only replace "Guantanamo Bay" with "Tonkin Gulf," and "Cuba" with "North Vietnam" and the Gulf of Tonkin incident may or may not have been stage-managed, but the senior Pentagon leadership at the time was clearly capable of such deceit.

"The public has a duty to watch its Government closely and keep it on the right track." --Lieutenant Gen. Kenneth A. Minihan, USAF, Director, NSA, _NSA Newsletter_, June 1997


Operation Northwoods (Cold War Mystery!)

MYS151: In 1962, the Joint Chiefs of Staff sent Operation Northwoods to JFK as a daring, covert plan to stop a potential Soviet invasion. Jimmy Akin and Dom Bettinelli discuss this now declassified plan, the shocking series of secret actions it proposed, and Kennedy’s response.

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History: Operation Northwoods was some crazy shit

I'm not american, so perhaps you'd excuse my ignorance, but this seems like a conspiracy theory except it's actually real.

The US government planned domestic terror acts in order to blame it on Cuba and justify a war. In the end it was rejected by JFK but the fact that this was an actual plan is mindblowing. Perhaps it's no wonder there are so many conspiracy theories, when there are real actual conspiracies too.

Guzim

Operation Northwoods - Wikipedia

I'm not american, so perhaps you'd excuse my ignorance, but this seems like a conspiracy theory except it's actually real.

The US government planned domestic terror acts in order to blame it on Cuba and justify a war. In the end it was rejected by JFK but the fact that this was an actual plan is mindblowing. Perhaps it's no wonder there are so many conspiracy theories, when there are real actual conspiracies too.


Operation Northwoods - History

Friendly Fire
Book: U.S. Military Drafted Plans to Terrorize U.S. Cities to Provoke War With Cuba
By David Ruppe


N E W Y O R K, May 1 — In the early 1960s, America's top military leaders reportedly
drafted plans to kill innocent people and commit acts of terrorism in U.S. cities to create
public support for a war against Cuba.
Code named Operation Northwoods, the plans reportedly included the possible
assassination of Cuban �migr�s, sinking boats of Cuban refugees on the high seas,
hijacking planes, blowing up a U.S. ship, and even orchestrating violent terrorism in U.S.
cities.
The plans were developed as ways to trick the American public and the international
community into supporting a war to oust Cuba's then new leader, communist Fidel Castro.
America's top military brass even contemplated causing U.S. military casualties, writing:
"We could blow up a U.S. ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba," and, "casualty lists
in U.S. newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation."
Details of the plans are described in Body of Secrets (Doubleday), a new book by
investigative reporter James Bamford about the history of America's largest spy agency,
the National Security Agency. However, the plans were not connected to the agency, he
notes.
The plans had the written approval of all of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and were presented to
President Kennedy's defense secretary, Robert McNamara, in March 1962. But they
apparently were rejected by the civilian leadership and have gone undisclosed for nearly 40
år.
"These were Joint Chiefs of Staff documents. The reason these were held secret for so
long is the Joint Chiefs never wanted to give these up because they were so embarrassing,"
Bamford told ABCNEWS.com.
"The whole point of a democracy is to have leaders responding to the public will, and here
this is the complete reverse, the military trying to trick the American people into a war that
they want but that nobody else wants."
Gunning for War
The documents show "the Joint Chiefs of Staff drew up and approved plans for what may
be the most corrupt plan ever created by the U.S. government," writes Bamford.
The Joint Chiefs even proposed using the potential death of astronaut John Glenn during
the first attempt to put an American into orbit as a false pretext for war with Cuba, the
documents show.
Should the rocket explode and kill Glenn, they wrote, "the objective is to provide
irrevocable proof … that the fault lies with the Communists et all Cuba [sic]."
The plans were motivated by an intense desire among senior military leaders to depose
Castro, who seized power in 1959 to become the first communist leader in the Western
Hemisphere — only 90 miles from U.S. shores.
The earlier CIA-backed Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba by Cuban exiles had been a
disastrous failure, in which the military was not allowed to provide firepower.The military
leaders now wanted a shot at it.
"The whole thing was so bizarre," says Bamford, noting public and international support
would be needed for an invasion, but apparently neither the American public, nor the
Cuban public, wanted to see U.S. troops deployed to drive out Castro.
Reflecting this, the U.S. plan called for establishing prolonged military — not democratic
— control over the island nation after the invasion.
"That's what we're supposed to be freeing them from," Bamford says. "The only way we
would have succeeded is by doing exactly what the Russians were doing all over the
world, by imposing a government by tyranny, basically what we were accusing Castro
himself of doing."
'Over the Edge'
The Joint Chiefs at the time were headed by Eisenhower appointee Army Gen. Lyman L.
Lemnitzer, who, with the signed plans in hand made a pitch to McNamara on March 13,
1962, recommending Operation Northwoods be run by the military.
Whether the Joint Chiefs' plans were rejected by McNamara in the meeting is not clear.
But three days later, President Kennedy told Lemnitzer directly there was virtually no
possibility of ever using overt force to take Cuba, Bamford reports. Within months,
Lemnitzer would be denied another term as chairman and transferred to another job.
The secret plans came at a time when there was distrust in the military leadership about
their civilian leadership, with leaders in the Kennedy administration viewed as too liberal,
insufficiently experienced and soft on communism. At the same time, however, there real
were concerns in American society about their military overstepping its bounds.
There were reports U.S. military leaders had encouraged their subordinates to vote
conservative during the election.
And at least two popular books were published focusing on a right-wing military
leadership pushing the limits against government policy of the day. The Senate Foreign
Relations Committee published its own report on right-wing extremism in the military,
warning a "considerable danger" in the "education and propaganda activities of military
personnel" had been uncovered. The committee even called for an examination of any ties
between Lemnitzer and right-wing groups. But Congress didn't get wind of Northwoods,
says Bamford.
"Although no one in Congress could have known at the time," he writes, "Lemnitzer and
the Joint Chiefs had quietly slipped over the edge."
Even after Lemnitzer was gone, he writes, the Joint Chiefs continued to plan "pretext"
operations at least through 1963.
One idea was to create a war between Cuba and another Latin American country so that
the United States could intervene. Another was to pay someone in the Castro government
to attack U.S. forces at the Guantanamo naval base — an act, which Bamford notes,
would have amounted to treason. And another was to fly low level U-2 flights over Cuba,
with the intention of having one shot down as a pretext for a war.
"There really was a worry at the time about the military going off crazy and they did, but
they never succeeded, but it wasn't for lack of trying," he says.
After 40 Years
Ironically, the documents came to light, says Bamford, in part because of the 1992 Oliver
Stone film JFK, which examined the possibility of a conspiracy behind the assassination of
President Kennedy.
As public interest in the assassination swelled after JFK's release, Congress passed a law
designed to increase the public's access to government records related to the assassination.
The author says a friend on the board tipped him off to the documents.
Afraid of a congressional investigation, Lemnitzer had ordered all Joint Chiefs documents
related to the Bay of Pigs destroyed, says Bamford. But somehow, these remained.
"The scary thing is none of this stuff comes out until 40 years after," says Bamford

"WAR IS A RACKET." MAJOR GENERAL SMEDLEY BUTLER, USMC.

A highly revealing ABC news article < http://abcnews.go.com/US/story?id=92662> describes plans for government-sponsored terrorism right here in America:

"In the early 1960s, America's top military leaders drafted plans to kill innocent people and commit acts of terrorism in U.S. cities to create public support for a war against Cuba."

The article goes on to reveal that the plans, code-named Operation Northwoods, were approved in writing by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and endorsed by Defense Secretary Robert McNamara. Yes, it's a fact that our own military leaders proposed we secretly blow up an American ship and hijack US planes as a false pretext for war!

To access 181 pages of declassified U.S. military documents on the official website of the National Archives and Records Administration which reveal plans of the top U.S. generals to sponsor terrorism on U.S. soil, go here:

To read the 15 most revealing pages of these documents posted on the National Security Archive of George Washington University, see:

Note that these government documents were approved in writing by the Joint Chiefs of Staff - the top generals of each branch of the US armed forces - and submitted to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara in 1962. The only reason these plans were not implemented is that they were rejected by the Kennedy administration. Had the administration approved, these secret manipulations would almost certainly have fooled the American public into supporting war. These plans for government- sponsored terrorism were classified top secret so that the American public would never know how it was being manipulated. They came to light only because of a Freedom of Information Act request in the late 1990s. Had the plans been used, they would have been given operational status, and thus would never have been released to the public in accordance with secrecy laws.

Below are key passages quoted directly from the Operation Northwoods documents, which you can verify at the above links. Page numbers are listed to assist in finding the quotes in the original documents. As you read, we invite you to then ask yourself, is it beyond comprehension that this same kind of thinking and planning could have led to 9/11? More information on what you can do is given below these quotes.

Excerpts from Operation Northwoods Documents

Page 1 of File (Memorandum)

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE

Subject: Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba

The Joint Chiefs of Staff have considered the attached Memorandum for the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, which responds to a request of that office for brief but precise description of pretexts which could provide justification for US military intervention in Cuba. It is assumed that a single agency will be given the primary responsibility for developing military and para- military aspects of the basic plan. It is recommended that this responsibility for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Page 5 of File (page 2 of Joint Chiefs report)

World opinion, and the United Nations forum should be favorably affected by developing the international image of the Cuban government as rash and irresponsible, and as an alarming and unpredictable threat to the peace of the Western Hemisphere.

Page 8 of File (page 5 of Joint Chiefs report)

This plan . should be developed to focus all efforts on a specific ultimate objective which would provide adequate justification for US military intervention. Such a plan would enable a logical build-up of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camouflage the ultimate objective.

Page 10-11 of File (page 7-8 of Joint Chiefs report)

A series of well coordinated incidents will be planned to take place in and around Guantanamo to give genuine appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces.

(1) Start rumors (many). Use clandestine radio.

(2) Land friendly Cubans in uniform "over-the-fence" to stage attack on base.

(3) Capture Cuban (friendly) saboteurs inside the base.

(4) Start riots near the base main gate (friendly Cubans).

(5) Blow up ammunition inside the base: start fires.

(6) Burn aircraft on air base (sabotage).

(7) Lob mortar shells from outside of base into base.

(8) Capture assault teams approaching from the sea or vicinity of Guantanamo City.

(9) Capture militia group which storms base.

(10) Sabotage ship in harbor large fires - naphthalene.

(11) Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims.

We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.

We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.

Page 12 of File (page 9 of Joint Chiefs report)

Use of [Soviet] MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Attacks on surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as complementary actions. Reasonable copies of the MIG could be produced from US resources in about three months.

Page 13 of File (page 10 of Joint Chiefs report)

Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the government of Cuba.

It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner enroute from the United States. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday.

An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At the designated time the duplicate would be substituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual aircraft would be converted to a drone.

The drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will be transmitting on the international distress frequency a "MAY DAY" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by destruction of the aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal.

Remember that government and military leaders think of world politics like a chess game. Sometimes you have to sacrifice your own pieces in order to win the game. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former U.S.

National Security Advisor and co-founder of the Trilateral Commission, titled his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives. In this seminal book on American foreign policy, Brzezinksi states that because of popular resistance to U.S. military expansionism, his ambitious strategy for "American global primacy" can't be implemented "except in the circumstance of a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat." (The Grand Chessboard < http://www.WantToKnow.info/brzezinskigrandchessboard> , page 211).

Consider also that in September 2000, a think-tank named Project for the New American Century published a blueprint for maintaining global U.S. preeminence and shaping the international security order in line with U.S. interests. Written before the 2000 Presidential election, this revealing report was commissioned by future Vice President Cheney, Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Wolfowitz, and Governor Jeb Bush. The report shows that even before 9/11, the Bush administration intended to take military control of Persian Gulf oil whether or not Saddam Hussein was in power. [Article on BBC website and original report both available here < http://www.wanttoknow.info/9-11cover-up10pg#pnac> ]

Considering the above information, is it beyond comprehension that tactics similar to Operation Northwoods might have been used in relation to the 9/11 attacks in order to create "a truly massive and widely perceived direct external threat?"

Could 9/11 have been the pretext upon which to build a War on Terror in order to "maintain global US preeminence?"

Might the 9/11 attacks have been allowed to happen, or even facilitated and manipulated by elements of the U.S. government and military? For what a highly decorated U.S. general had to say on how politicians and corporations manipulate the public to support war, click here < http://www.wanttoknow.info/warcoverup> .

We invite you to explore a two-page summary of easily verifiable facts with links direct to major media sources which suggest a major 9/11 cover-up by clicking here < http://www.WantToKnow.info/9-

To access three riveting documentaries which explore the above vital facts and much more, click

For additional empowering information on these and other reliable resources on the 9/11 cover-up,

"My wife and I, transfixed in front of a TV as the horror of 9/11 unfolded, watched

as the topmost, undamaged floors of the WTC South Tower started to gradually lean (rotate)

in the direction of the damage due to impact. In an instant, the rotation stopped, and that

which was rotating began to fall, as if only under the influence of gravity! The fulcrum

was no longer there. I blurted out, 'My god, they wired the building'."

- Mike Hawryluk, Professor Emeritus of Physics and former Division Chairman,


Manhattan -prosjektet

One of the most well-known secret research programs is the Manhattan Project, which eventually produced the world's first atomic bombs. The project began in 1939, and was cloaked in secrecy as physicists investigated the potential power of atomic weapons. From 1942 to 1946, Major General Leslie Groves of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers led the Manhattan Project.

The first nuclear bomb was detonated at 5:30 a.m. on July 16, 1945, during the so-called Trinity test at the Alamogordo Air Base, 120 miles (193 km) south of Albuquerque, N.M. The explosion created a mushroom cloud that stretched 40,000 feet (12,200 m), and the bomb's explosive power was equivalent to more than 15,000 tons of TNT.

A month after the Trinity test, two atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan in the waning stages of World War II. To date, the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki remain the only uses of nuclear weapons in war.


(6:30 a.m.) September 11, 2001: NORAD on Alert for Emergency Exercises

NORAD’s war room in Cheyenne Mountain, Colorado [Source: Val Gempis] Lieutenant Colonel Dawne Deskins and other day shift employees at NORAD’s Northeast Air Defense Sector (NEADS) in Rome, NY, start their workday. NORAD is conducting a week-long, large-scale exercise called Vigilant Guardian. [Newhouse News Service, 1/25/2002] Deskins is regional mission crew chief for the Vigilant Guardian exercise. [ABC News, 9/11/2002]
Exercise Includes Simulated Attack on the US - Vigilant Guardian is described as “an exercise that would pose an imaginary crisis to North American Air Defense outposts nationwide” as a “simulated air war” and as “an air defense exercise simulating an attack on the United States.” According to the 9/11 Commission, it “postulated a bomber attack from the former Soviet Union.” [Newhouse News Service, 1/25/2002 Filson, 2003, pp. 55 and 122 9/11 Commission, 7/24/2004, pp. 458] Vigilant Guardian is described as being held annually, and is one of NORAD’s four major annual exercises. [Filson, 2003, pp. 41 Arkin, 2005, pp. 545 GlobalSecurity (.org), 4/27/2005] However, one report says it takes place semi-annually. [Aviation Week and Space Technology, 6/3/2002] Accounts by participants vary on whether 9/11 is the second, third, or fourth day of the exercise. [Code One Magazine, 1/2002 Newhouse News Service, 1/25/2002 Ottawa Citizen, 9/11/2002] Vigilant Guardian is a command post exercise (CPX), and in at least some previous years was conducted in conjunction with Stratcom’s Global Guardian exercise and a US Space Command exercise called Apollo Guardian. [US Congress, n.d. Arkin, 2005, pp. 545 GlobalSecurity (.org), 4/27/2005] All of NORAD is participating in Vigilant Guardian on 9/11. [Aviation Week and Space Technology, 6/3/2002]
Exercise Includes Simulated Hijacking - Vanity Fair reports that the “day’s exercise” (presumably Vigilant Guardian) is “designed to run a range of scenarios, including a ‘traditional’ simulated hijack in which politically motivated perpetrators commandeer an aircraft, land on a Cuba-like island, and seek asylum.” [Vanity Fair, 8/1/2006] However, at NEADS, most of the dozen or so staff on the operations floor have no idea what the exercise is going to entail and are ready for anything. [Utica Observer-Dispatch, 8/5/2004]
NORAD Fully Staffed and Alert - NORAD is currently running a real-world operation named Operation Northern Vigilance (see September 9, 2001). It may also be conducting a field training exercise calling Amalgam Warrior on this morning (see 9:28 a.m. September 11, 2001). NORAD is thus fully staffed and alert, and senior officers are manning stations throughout the US. The entire chain of command will be in place and ready when the first hijacking is reported. An article later says, “In retrospect, the exercise would prove to be a serendipitous enabler of a rapid military response to terrorist attacks on September 11.” [Aviation Week and Space Technology, 6/3/2002 Bergen Record, 12/5/2003] Colonel Robert Marr, in charge of NEADS, will say: “We had the fighters with a little more gas on board. A few more weapons on board.” [ABC News, 9/11/2002] However, Deskins and other NORAD officials later are initially confused about whether the 9/11 attacks are real or part of the exercise (see (8:38 a.m.-8:43 a.m.) September 11, 2001).

Se videoen: Cuba and Operation Mongoose